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The assisted dying bill for terminally ill adults in England and Wales failed to pass, following Scotland's similar rejection. Supporters are frustrated with the House of Lords for blocking the legislation, which had previously cleared the Commons.
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Good morning. Last week the terminally ill adults (end of life) bill in England and Wales fell at the final hurdle – just weeks after Scotland’s parliament voted down similar proposals to legalise assisted dying.
For those opposed to a change in the law, it was a victory. For supporters, it has prompted anger – not just at the outcome, but at the process, with campaigners arguing that the unelected House of Lords had thwarted democracy by blocking legislation that had already passed the Commons.
For today’s newsletter, I spoke to Nathan Stilwell, who has campaigned on the issue for Humanists UK, and Lucy Webster, political journalist and the author of The View from Down Here: Life As a Young Disabled Woman, who was opposed to the bill in this form, about the ethics of assisted dying and what comes next. But first, the headlines.
The assisted dying bill for terminally ill adults in England and Wales was rejected after passing the Commons, marking a significant setback for supporters.
The House of Lords blocked the legislation, leading to accusations from supporters that it thwarted democracy by overriding a decision made by the Commons.
The failure of the bill means that terminally ill patients in England and Wales will not have legal access to assisted dying options, continuing the debate over end-of-life choices.
Key figures include Nathan Stilwell from Humanists UK, who supports the bill, and Lucy Webster, a political journalist who opposed it.

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The assisted dying debate has drawn demonstrators from opposing views. Photograph: Wiktor Szymanowicz/Future Publishing/Getty Images
There was a point last summer when it felt highly likely that assisted dying – legal in many other countries, such as Canada, Germany, the Netherlands and most of Australia – would be made legal in England and Wales. So when the assisted dying bill was scuppered last Friday night, stalling in the House of Lords after more than 1,000 amendments, some campaigners struggled with it.
“It’s hard not to get emotional about it,” Nathan Stilwell tells me. “Terminally ill people were given hope last year when elected politicians voted for this, and we could never have imagined that a bill of this importance would end in this way – simply being talked out, without a vote and without anything meaningful we could do to stop it.”
The defeat in Westminster followed a similar setback in Scotland. In March, MSPs rejected a bill by 69 votes to 57, despite having previously backed it for further scrutiny. With defeats on both sides of the border, Stilwell says it feels like a “retrenchment”.
Even among the bill’s many critics the mood was far from celebratory after it stalled.
“I don’t think anyone is delighted,” Lucy Webster tells me. “It doesn’t feel like a good win … for most of us it is not about being against the principle. I’m actually in favour of assisted dying, because I don’t believe anyone should suffer unnecessarily.”
Instead, she argues, the concern was about how the legislation had been drawn up. “It was specifically about a bill which was poorly designed, poorly consulted on, and [which] didn’t take into account very legitimate concerns about groups of people who would have been made incredibly vulnerable.”
What was being proposed?
The bill would have allowed terminally ill adults in England and Wales – defined as those with a life expectancy of six months or less – to request medical assistance to end their own life. To qualify, a person would have had to be mentally competent, acting voluntarily and free from coercion, and to make a formal, witnessed declaration of their wishes.
Two independent doctors would have had to confirm the diagnosis, prognosis and the patient’s capacity, with further scrutiny from a multidisciplinary panel including medical, legal and safeguarding expertise before approval was granted. Medication would then be prescribed but taken by the individual themselves, rather than administered by a clinician.
Even if it had passed, the law would not have come into effect immediately. Implementation was expected to take several years, with unresolved questions about how the service would operate in practice – including whether it would sit within the NHS or alongside it – and what systems, training and safeguards would need to be put in place for it to work.
How did the bill fail in Westminster?

Some question if decisions around assisted dying can be separated from wider social attitudes. Photograph: Wiktor Szymanowicz/Future Publishing/Getty Images
Stilwell is unequivocal that a Lords “filibuster” was, in practice, what ended the bill’s passage in Westminster. “If you look at the nearly 1,300 amendments, with more still being introduced last week, many were clearly unworkable,” he says. He cites amendments requiring pregnancy tests for all applicants, including people over the age of 80, and increasing the number of doctors involved from two to seven.
“It was effectively wrecking the bill,” he tells me. What was disappointing, he says, was that “it has been deeply serious legislation, but the way it was handled veered into the absurd”.
But even if Lucy was unhappy with the way the bill ended up being stalled, her concern revolves around whether decisions about assisted dying can truly be separated from wider social attitudes. “These medical decisions are not made in a vacuum,” she says. “They are shaped by society’s biases around disability.”
For many people, she argues, the issue is trust in the system itself. “Disabled people know going to the doctor is not a neutral ground … It’s not about me, but I’ve had doctors tell me I must have a poor quality of life – I’m a journalist and an author. I have a great life.”
Could advocates have gone further to reassure critics?
Supporters argue the bill had already been designed to be highly restrictive.
“The eligibility criteria were already among the strictest in the world,” Stilwell says. The process itself was deliberately rigorous, involving multiple assessments, waiting periods and oversight before any approval.
“There was already so much in the bill that if you added more, a terminally ill person simply wouldn’t be able to access it. We’re at the limits of what someone in that situation could reasonably go through.”
But critics remain unconvinced. Concerns about coercion, the protection of disabled people and the wider impact on healthcare have continued to dominate opposition to the proposals.
The Nuffield Trust, which retains a neutral position on the ethics of whether or not assisted dying should be legalised, has carried out extensive research into assisted dying in practice (pdf). It found that, internationally, assisted dying systems are complex, resource-intensive and uneven in practice. There is a heavy reliance on clinicians, which can act as a restriction, and the insistence on multiple stages – requests, assessments, waiting periods, approvals – can make it slow and administratively heavy.
What happens next?
It seems very unlikely that the government will put a new bill forward itself. Although it kept officially neutral on the issue as it went through parliament, there are prominent cabinet members – including Wes Streeting and Shabana Mahmood – who have expressed opposition.
That means any future attempt to bring back the bill would most likely come again via a private member’s bill – an uncertain route that is dependent on the luck of the parliamentary ballot. But Kim Leadbeater, the Labour MP for Spen Valley, promised that the fight was not over, arguing in this piece for the Guardian that the bill had faced “a relentless campaign of misinformation.” She also claimed to have had conversations with MPs who voted against it last time,who are now so angry with the bill having been delayed that they would support it being picked up again in the next session and sent back to the upper chamber.
Recently, the Isle of Man and Jersey have each voted to allow assisted dying. Once enacted, their residents will be among the 300 million or so people across multiple countries that have access around the world to legally assisted deaths.
In researching this topic for today’s newsletter, one paragraph has stayed with me more than all else. Frances Ryan wrote at the start of this latest round of parliamentary debate: “The truth is, there are no goodies or baddies here. There are just human beings – some of them in pain, scared or angry – trying to do right by themselves, their loved ones and their community. Life is not easy. It is messy.”
The messy conclusion to this latest attempt to legislate on the issue means it remains unresolved, but it will not be going away.

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